Afraid of the unknown? Beat Culture Shock (Intro)


Culture Shock is a normal phenomenon occuring to everyone experiencing a new culture, understanding its various stages helps you to develop a positive outcome from your experience abroad. Don’t panick!

In a world where travelling, migrating and studying in another country is a wide spread phenomenon, culture shock has become a construct of crucial importance. It will be  argued that culture shock, previously given negative connotations and affiliated with negative outcomes, has in fact over the years achieved a positive outlook and might actually enhance communication self-efficacy in sojourners. In order to understand what culture shock is, firstly it is useful to look into what culture represents. Culture is a way of life, a product of history, customs and traditions that one acquires by living in a specific environment (Oberg 1960). To say it with Geertz’s (1973,5) words, culture is “believing… that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs”.  An individual is not born with culture and will have to learn all the signs, cues, language, customs and traditions which knit it. Once they learn, culture becomes an automatic “skill” which allows them to obtain what they want from that specific environment. Most of the times people regard their own culture as the best culture and believe their way to do things is the right way. This attitude is named ethnocentrism; a belief, that not only the culture but also the race and country are at the centre of the universe. When individuals are suddenly transplanted into a new culture they face a general state of uncertainty as they do not know what is expected from them or what to expect from the new environment. This is when culture shock takes place. 

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Why children are better language learners than adults (The Critical Period Hypothesis)


Researchers generally agree children are better language learners than adults, read below to find out why. (Based on empirical research)

Not surprisingly, children are commonly believed to be better language learners than adults. Children are able to achieve “complete” knowledge of second and additional language, and, above all, they usually acquire a native like accent. This concept is at the basis of the Critical Period Hypothesis, the origins of which date back to Eric Lenneberg (1967), considered to be the “father” of such hypothesis. According to the Critical Period Hypothesis, there is an age related point on which, current researchers diverge, but it is usually within the puberty period, beyond which it becomes difficult or impossible to attain a native speaking like competence. Lenneberg (1967) sees the critical period starting at the age of 2 and ending around puberty, a period, which coincides with the brain lateralisation process, which is the specialisation of the dominant hemisphere of the brain language functions. Lenneberg (1967) cited a wide evidence of changes in the brain taking place during this period. However, his claim was at a later stage criticised by other researchers, who undertook several studies and reinterpreted the relevant data concluding that the process is already complete before puberty. The Critical Period Hypothesis still remains an actively and widely debated matter among researchers of SLA. Most studies, related to its investigation, have focused on examining morphsyntax and pronunciation in adult learners. A well-known study, which has been cited as proof of the influence of age on second language acquisition, is the study conducted by Johnson and Newport in 1989, designed to assess the differences in the acquisition of syntax by learners and examine adult learners performance. The age range of the participants on the arrival in the US was between 3 and 39. The study found that there was a steady decline from the age of 7 in judging grammatical and ungrammatical items. This decline showed to be stable until the age of 17 at which point performance evened up, showing no more association with age. However, Bialystok and Hakuta (1994) advanced various criticisms with regards to the methodology applied. Firstly, they argued that the length of stay (5 years) might not have been enough to reach ultimate attainment levels; secondly, the test itself might have been too long given the 276 items involved. Moreover, they argued, age of arrival was in some ways confused with the age when the test was taken. Nevertheless, De Keyser (2000), addressed these criticisms and obtained similar results to the Johnson and Newport’s study. Therefore, he concluded by asserting the existence of a robust negative correlation between adult L2 learners and language success due to the Critical Period. In 2001, Birdsong and Molis replicated the study of Johnson and Newport 1989, by applying the identical methods and materials of the original test, but employing a sample of Spanish native speakers. In line with most recent research, in this study too, age proved to be negatively correlated to successful language attainment. Hence, according to Birdsong (2006), AoA (age of acquisition), which differs from age of first exposure, which can occur in a schooling context, contact with L2 relatives and so forth, is the strongest predictor of language achievement. Birdsong based his conclusion on the results of several experimental studies whose overviews are offered by Birdsong (2005) and DeKeyser and Larson-Hall (2005). A general agreement seems to have been reached among researchers with regards to older individuals not able to achieve a native like accent. In fact, abundant evidence seems to support this view. One of the most cited studies which focuses on L2 phonetics acquisition is the study carried out by Tahta Wood and Lowenthal (1981). The researchers found that American children’s ability to reproduce intonational patterns in French and Armenian, declined after the age of 8. However, most recently, Mackay, Fledge and Imai (2006) examined the degree of foreign accent in English sentences created by Italian immigrants, long-time residents in Canada, with a different age of arrival. The investigation, found that the difference of foreign accent among early and late learners was not due to chronological age, therefore maturational constraints and The Critical Period Hypothesis factors were excluded. Age of arrival was found to affect foreign accent due to the development of the native language phonetic system. Yet, results originated from most studies, pinpoint age as the most influential predictor of foreign language acquisition and learning, especially when it comes to the acquisition of phonology. However, it has been argued that such evidence is limited in terms of culture, society and language as most of studies have mainly focused on the English language acquisition and secondly on other European languages. Despite these limitations, it can be said that at least in the developed world, children seem to be more successful than adults in L2 and additional language acquisition. To conclude, in agreement with Birdsong (1999), the main reasons, strictly related to the age factor, will be summarised below. None of them remain unchallenged: (1) Loss of access to UG after the puberty period, (2) Loss of neural plasticity, causing the neural substrate needed for language learning to be no longer fully available later in life. (3) Change of memory capacities which decrease as the person matures.

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Why are children better language learners than adults? (Universal Grammar and the Fundamental Difference Hypothesis)


This extract is based on empirical research.

According to Chomsky (1997, p. 167) “The theory of a particular language is in its grammar, the theory of languages and the expressions they generate is Universal Grammar (UG)”. The theory underlying UG assumes that language consists of a set of abstract principles that characterize the main grammars of all natural languages. In addition, to invariable principles, exist parameters that differ across languages. Therefore, the UG theory is predicated on the argument that some aspects of language learning involve innateness, contrary to the behaviourist view in language teaching, which saw language as a system of habits learnt by producing a response to a “stimulus” and receiving positive reinforcement. An early and still widely maintained postulation is that UG is the guiding force of child language acquisition, however, it has been applied to second language acquisition only at a later stage (Gass and Selinker 2001). Within the UG theory reside diverse views which include the most debated hypotheses: The Fundamental Difference Hypothesis and The Access Hypothesis. According to the first hypothesis, adults and children differ in many significant ways when it comes to language learning. Indeed, adults already know what language is about and are able to use diverse forms adequately according to social contexts. In summary, they only have to learn specific language forms, while children have to learn different forms to be used in different situations. The Fundamental Difference Hypothesis claims that adult second language learners do not have access to UG, which is instead fully accessible to L1 in normal conditions (excepting cases of severe deprivation). Therefore, their language universals is supposedly constructed through their NL (Native language) which meditates knowledge of UG. Hence, adults learners will rarely or never achieve a native-like proficiency. This hypothesis also sees fossilization, which is when the learner gets stuck and does not go beyond a certain level of language knowledge as one of the main factors that limit adult learners’ competence. The contrasting view to the above hypothesis is the Access to UG Hypothesis which sees different positions underlying the access to UG for the adult learner. The analysis of such positions goes beyond the scope of this essay, however, it can be added that they imply that the adult learner does have access, fully or partially to UG. A study conducted by Johnson and Newport (1991) investigated a language feature related to Universal Grammar (therefore, supposedly innate), and found that there was a stable decrease in performance according to age of arrival, with the sheerest decline at ages 14-16. Most recently, DeKeyser (2000) conducted a study specifically designed to test The Fundamental Difference Hypothesis. He tested 57 adult Hungarian mother tongue immigrants against early arrivals (children) on a grammatical judgement test and found out that only a few scored in range with children and the ones who did, had high degrees of verbal analytical ability.

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Why individuals attain a different level of fluency when learning a foreign language? (Introduction)


I bet many of you have wondered why most adults retain a native like accent when speaking a foreign language and why some people become proficient while others lag massively behind. Here I start giving you the answers based on empirical research.

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Second language acquisition in adults

Second language acquisition in adults
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In second and additional language research there is little dispute whether adult L2/3/4 learners have a different language knowledge from NS (native speakers). The controversial question is whether this applies to all language users and learners and whether they could ever speak like natives (Cook 2002). This essay will briefly illustrate the main hypothesis in Universal Grammar theory which might be accountable for the difference of L1 and L2/3/4 acquisition. It will then proceed to examine the main individual differences, according to mainstream research, which influence the individuals’ “ultimate attainment” (Cook 2002); that is their ultimate success in mastering an L2/3/4 and does not stand as a synonym for native-like proficiency as Birdsong (2006) argues. SLA research has focused on different factors which are believed to influence SLA and additional languages acquisition: age, aptitude, motivation, anxiety, personality, learning styles and strategies. This essay will start investigating the age factor which represents a great dilemma and a controversial issue for SLA researchers. It will then carry on examining other individual variations mentioned above. 

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Cultural values dimensions: a study case – British VS Italian culture


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Abstract

This essay analyses a case of intercultural interaction, the inefficiency of which, led a teaching agency located in Milan (Italy) to become insolvent. Section 1 gives an overview of the agency’s business organisation by describing its structure, culture and the broad environment in which the agency operated. Section 2 delineates the changes implemented and the reaction of the teaching personnel. Section 3 offers an explanation based on the relevant cultural dimensions developed by Hall, Hofstede, and Trompenaars; while section 4 lays bare the objections to such dimensions, and explains up to what extent these can facilitate effective communication in a multicultural work context. Finally, the conclusions suggest possible approaches which could help businesses to avoid intercultural misunderstandings.

 1. Background

The English Learning Institute (ELI) was an agency which provided English native speaker teachers with a QTS (Qualified Teacher Status) which they could use in high schools in the greater Milan area. The agency was founded in 2005 when its two co-founders saw an opportunity in the target market to supply qualified mother tongue English speakers to private institutions. Even though the agency started out as a small business, only two years later it was already employing seventy members of staff, twenty of whom were assigned to management and administrative tasks, whilst the remainder made up the teaching staff. To meet the high demand for British English, the majority of teachers employed were native British citizens. Usually, the agency offered full time contracts, however, a few teachers opted to work on a part time basis. The ELI was located in a picturesque, historic building in the Milan’s centre, and boasted an innovative and remarkable resource area supplied with the most up to date English language teaching materials. In addition, it offered a spacious canteen which provided free meals to its employees.


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Dispelling Bilingual Myths – Dual language development in early childhood (introduction)


This critical review is based on empirical research: enjoy it!

Portrait of Hispanic boy

That human beings possess the cognitive capacity to learn one language without experiencing any real burden is widely accepted as fact among people. Conversely, early dual language acquisition in young children is often seen as threat to the child’s language development (Paradis et al 2011). Indeed, some writers often describe the uncertain problematic aspects of the learning stage of bilingualism, and some professionals even discourage parents from pursuing dual language acquisition for their children, in some instances, holding the belief, that it could cause speech delay. This review aims at deconstructing the bilingual myths wildly spread throughout the population which possibly originated from early research in the field, which created a pessimistic general outlook on the topic. In fact, in 1966, in his book “bilingualism and primary education”, John Macnamara argued that language acquisition in bilingual children was impossible to balance due to the proficiency of one language augmenting against the other language proficiency falling behind. Such pessimistic views can be filed under the most influential theory on bilingualism in young children at early research stages: the limited capacity hypothesis. This hypothesis postulates the existence of a limited language capacity for children to acquire two or more languages simultaneously or sequentially.  In this manner, the mentioned hypothesis has contributed to the creation of a detrimental view of early bilingualism being seen as the cause of burdensome language confusion and even speech delay in pre-school and young  school age children. Also, interestingly, some theoreticians have been profoundly fascinated with the idea that bilingual children could show significant differences compared to their monolingual peers on a cognitive level. More specifically, some people believe that bilingualism is a threat to the child’s social, cognitive and personality development (Paradis et al 2011). In support of this opinion are early studies conducted by several scholars among those, Diebold (1968), who concluded that bilingualism could even lead, in extreme cases, to schizophrenia. Such studies were later re-evaluated and it was found that they lacked the appropriate methodology design. For instance, one of the main shortcomings discovered, was comparing the evaluation of bilingual children’s performance when they belonged to opposite socioeconomic stratums. Most importantly, the majority of the bilingual children examined were living in subtractive bilingual environments, a term coined by psychologist Wallace Lambert in 1977, meaning that the acquisition of the majority language was attained at the cost of the loss
of the native language.  The overall objective of this critical review is to examine the available evidence in research which reveals that dual language acquisition does not impede a “normal” language development in young children and most significantly it is not a synonym of “deficit” or “disorder”.  It will focus on four discussions points: the relationship between language and cognition, the importance of cross-linguistic influence and code-mixing, the impact of language exposure on bilingual children and finally how long can it really take for school age children to acquire a second language.

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